Coexistence
Steven Menashi ::
6/04/2003

Arab and Muslim rejectionism of Israel is nothing new, of course. But what's more interesting about the poll, to my mind, is the position of Arab Israelis:

By wide margins, most Muslim populations doubt that a way can be found for the state of Israel to exist so that the rights and needs of the Palestinian people are met. Eight-in-ten residents of the Palestinian Authority express this opinion. But Arabs in Israel, who voice the same criticisms of U.S. policy in the Middle East as do other Muslims, generally believe that a way can be found for the state of Israel to exist so that Palestinian rights and needs are addressed. In fact, Arabs in Israel are nearly as likely as Jews to hold that opinion (62% of Arabs, 68% of Jews).

The only Arab population in the world that believes the state of Israel is not inherently a menace to their well-being is the Arab population actually living in Israel. The only Arabs who don't find it necessary to obliterate the Jewish state are the ones with actual experience of it. Surely, this has something to do with the economic opportunities and political freedoms available to Arabs in Israel that don't exist in the rest of the Middle East -- and the experience of economic cooperation with other Israelis. Daniel Doron has emphasized the role economic development has played in fostering peaceful Palestinian-Israeli relations, such that:

[S]hortly after Oslo but before PLO incitement had infected their minds and provoked bloody clashes with Israel, the Palestinian inhabitants of East Jerusalem were asked to choose to receive either Palestinian Authority or Israeli identity papers. Over 95 percent chose Israeli. They did so despite disliking Israeli occupation and loathing Israeli bureaucracy (which drives even Israelis up the wall). They cared more about feeding their families and advancing their personal interests than grabbing for instant political gratification. Already they were wary of Arafat's nascent Palestinian Authority. Real estate prices plummeted in Arab sections rumored to be destined for transfer to the Palestinian Authority...

During the quarter century of relative peace [1967-1993], hundreds of thousands of Palestinians worked in Israel. Crossing through border checkpoints was infuriatingly slow and humiliating, but once inside Israel they had total freedom of movement. Had they been committed to the PLO struggle against Israel, they could have inflicted enormous damage. Yet only a very few of them, generally PLO hirelings, engaged in acts of terrorism.

Gaza, for example, was historically more radicalized than the West Bank precisely because it was more isolated from Israel proper; there is a fence cutting it off from the rest of Israel. The more recent widespread radicalization and increase in terrorist attacks has forced Israel to construct a similar fence along the perimeter of the West Bank. This is necessary for security reasons, of course, but it's symbolic of a step backward in Palestinian-Israeli relations. Arafat's regime successfully disrupted the economic cooperation that had been slowly leading toward a peaceful coexistence -- but he has no control over those Arabs living in Israel. They live under a liberal democracy, with less exposure to a society that educates its children like this (note not only that this child is surrounded by machine guns and is wearing a suicide-bomber vest, but also that his vest has a picture of the whole of Israel) and a government intent on inciting its people to murderous hatred of Jews.

The Bush administration's approach to Iraq and its national security strategy were premised on the existence of essential differences between authoritarian and liberal-democratic regimes. The road to Jerusalem, we were told, runs through Baghdad -- because the example of a Western-style democratic state in the Arab world would prompt social reform such that the Palestinian population would demand its own free (and peaceful) society. Only with a new, democratic regime and a tolerant culture in the Palestinian Authority could peace be achieved, it was said. Now the American position seems to be that the person of Arafat, and not the noxious kakistocracy he established, represents the primary obstacle to a peaceful resolution. But in the differences between Palestinians living in Israel and those living under the PA, one can see the impact of living under two different sorts of regimes. One can even see the way peace will ultimately be attained: a gradual increase in economic cooperation and trust between the two populations. Before there were fences between Israel and what is now the PA, there were simply roads connecting the two areas. Surely we need to reopen the roads before a roadmap is useful.