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What Rumsfeld Means
Steven Menashi :: 12/21/2004
David
Ignatius seems to be missing something about the debate over Rumsfeld's
future, calling him "a convenient scapegoat" for the administration's
mistakes in Iraq. But why, on the heels of an electoral victory that vindicated
the president's Iraq policy, would Republicans
be trying to save face? For the victors, post-election recriminations are about
the future rather than the past -- and Rumsfeld is associated with a particular
post-election agenda. As Bill Kristol, who initiated
the anti-Rumsfeld movement, said
of the secretary: "His theory about the military is at odds with the
president's geopolitical strategy. He wants this light, transformed military,
but we've got to win a real war, which involves using a lot of troops and
building a nation, and that's at the core of the president's strategy for
rebuilding the Middle East." As Ignatius sees it, the debate over troop
levels "is partly a rear-action battle against Rumsfeld's ideas about
military 'transformation.' Advocates of the old, heavyweight Army have never
forgiven Rummy for advocating lighter, more mobile forces, but Rumsfeld was
correct." Evidently, however, not
everyone agrees. As Andrew
put it:
Rumsfeld came into the Pentagon with an admirable agenda of
forcing the military to become leaner, to maximise the use of technology and
to move away from the large numbers and heavy armaments of the past. But his
wars showed that the old methods were still valid.
So Rumsfeld's critics "see a clear mismatch between
America's goals and its means" and "recognize in Rumsfeld an obstacle
to victory rather than an asset." Whatever the details
regarding armor in Iraq, the fact remains that Rumsfeld favors air power
and light forces rather than large numbers of armored troops. This leads, some
argue, to American deployments unprepared for the security situation on the
ground. But it also means an American military ill-equipped for political
reconstruction and nation-building, the sort of democracy-promoting missions Rumsfeld
doesn't like. "Donald Rumsfeld has articulated a strategy of
nation-building 'lite,' involving a rapid transition to local control and a
tough-love policy that leaves locals to find their own way toward good
government and democracy," Francis
Fukuyama has written. "This is a dubious approach, at least if one
cares about the final outcome." So it's not surprising that those who want
the U.S. to promote democracy or rebuild failing states would like a future
administration Rumsfeld-free. And it also explains why Rumsfeld isn't simply a
scapegoat for the president: On nation-building and democracy, Bush and Rumsfeld
disagree.
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